The annual Conference of Parties (COP) brings together 198 parties included in the United Nations Framework on Climate Change, which includes political leaders, climate experts, and lobbyists. This year's meeting, COP30, was hosted in Belém, Brazil, in the heart of the Amazon. To that end, the host nation looked to make rainforest conservation a major point of emphasis at this year’s conference.
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The delegates were mandated to discuss the implementation of the Paris Agreement. The core issue of negotiations was making sharp cuts in greenhouse gas emissions needed to keep average global temperatures from rising more than 1.5 degrees Celsius above preindustrial levels. On the eve of the conference, only about 60 countries had submitted their updated nationally determined contributions (NDCs) for reducing emissions.
Against this underwhelming backdrop, several key negotiators drove the agenda, each with distinct priorities.
Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (Brazil)
Hosting tens of thousands of delegates in a relatively small city surrounded by rainforest, Brazilian president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva was determined to make COP30 the COP of the Amazon. His central agenda item was the Tropical Forest Forever Facility, a projected $125 billion fund designed to enable governments and local communities to keep their forests standing instead of exploiting them for short-term gains.
Politically, Lula leads a fragile coalition spanning after his narrow victory over staunch conservative Jair Bolsonaro. That balancing act is mirrored in his climate stance. While positioning Brazil as a champion of rainforest protection, the Lula government has been more cautious on the core COP issue: urgent, deep cuts to greenhouse gas emissions.
The few NDCs presented before COP30 were widely criticized as insufficient. While NDCs were not on the formal agenda, Lula cannot avoid the subject. Without his leadership, COP30 risks being seen as high on symbolism and low on substance.
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Liu Zhenmin (China)
China’s top climate negotiator, Liu Zhenmin, arrived in Belém representing the world’s largest carbon emitter - responsible for around 30 % of global emissions - and one of its most pivotal players.
He has defended China's climate plan as "very ambitious," which commits to achieving zero CO2 emissions by 2060 and reducing emissions by 7-10 percent by 2035. This pledge, while being Beijing's first promise of a specific emissions cut, has been criticized for falling short of what is needed. In its defense, China insists on retaining its classification as a developing country, which translates to lower obligations compared to developed countries.
Though President Xi Jinping is not attending in person, his participation in preparatory meetings and UN climate discussions suggests heightened Chinese engagement this year. In addition to defending its development model, Liu looked to build strategic climate alliances - particularly with the EU, in the absence of the US.
Bhupender Yadav (India)
India’s environment minister, Bhupender Yadav, represents a country walking a tightrope between climate vulnerability and development pressure.
India has not yet submitted its updated climate plan, but has pledged to do so before the end of the year. Its stance going into COP30 reflects a long-standing position shared by many developing nations: Wealthy countries bear historical responsibility for the climate crisis and must provide much larger and clearer financial and technological support.
At the last COP, developing countries reacted negatively when developed nations offered $300 billion per year in climate finance by 2035 - far below the estimated $ 1.3 trillion needed.
Developing countries also criticized the lack of transparency over how that money would be delivered. India was expected to push hard on this issue in Belém, arguing that without the necessary finances, new emissions targets from developing countries are meaningless.
Wopke Hoekstra (European Union)
As the European Union’s climate chief, Wopke Hoekstra is under pressure to advance global climate action and implement the Paris Agreement. However, European politics on climate is more complicated than in years past: a right-wing backlash against green policies is gaining strength across the continent.
France and Germany - once the driving forces behind the EU’s green transition - are facing rising conservative coalitions, while countries such as Hungary and the Czech Republic openly resist ambitious climate measures.
Interestingly, Hoekstra took a tough stance on China’s lack of contributions, warning earlier this year that the EU would no longer “go it alone” on climate leadership. Ostensibly, this means pressuring major emitters, such as China, to assume greater responsibility.
However, the lack of a US presence and the country’s withdrawal from international climate matters have complicated relations. Both Beijing and Brussels may be open to mutually beneficial climate-related agreements that usurp US power abroad.
References and Further Reading
Ainger, J. et al. (2025 November 11). Who's Who Inside Negotiating Rooms at the COP30? Bloomberg News. https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2025-11-11/who-s-who-inside-negotiating-rooms-at-the-cop30-climate-summit
Carbon Brief. (2025 November 11). Analysis: Which countries have sent the most delegates to COP30? https://www.carbonbrief.org/analysis-which-countries-have-sent-the-most-delegates-to-cop30/
Harvey, F. (2025 November 6). Who are the major players at Cop30 and what do they want? The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2025/nov/06/who-are-the-major-players-at-cop30-and-what-do-they-want
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